Gilles Sauron 67 considers, too, the winged goddess Nemesis and quotes as a parallel the Etruscan Vanth, a goddess who appears in several Etruscan funerary paintings. Nevertheless, he refuses the Orphic interpretation, and believes that the fresco evokes the mythical story of Semele. Thirdly, the interpretation of the whipping as a stimulus to Bacchic enthousiasmos definitely stands out.
From this point of view the winged figure can be consequently interpreted as the dark side of the initiation into love, since the first love experience implies fear and feelings of guilt and death. Does the scourge kept by our winged figure hint at that idea 70? This interpretation is weakened by the fact that in the fresco lashes are inflicted by a feminine figure which does not fit a fecundating role.
Furthermore, in the clearest mythical example of fecundating whipping — i. VII, , part. IV, VI, De Cazanove carefully analyses this legend suggesting that it mirrore Indeed, it seems quite hard though still possible to demonstrate with certainty that the mistress or the master of the Pompeian villa had in mind precisely the sparagmos of Dionysus by the Titans, described by the sophisticated Orphic doctrines.
Moreover, as regards the identification of the winged character with one of the terrifying presences which appeared during Bacchic mysteries, we have no further information regarding these events than the passage of Celsus — who lived in the 2nd century AD, almost two centuries after the fresco was painted — quoted by Origenes.
Moreover, according to literary sources which widely circulated within the Roman context just a few decades after the realization of our fresco, the Furies are consistent with the action of awakening the Bacchic furor through stimulation.
We find a poetic description of a stimulating practice in the Vergilian account of the Bacchic-like possession of Amata, provoked by Iuno by means of the stimuli of Fury Allectus Therefore, we learn that according to the ancients — and, more precisely, in the same geographical and chronological context as our fresco — the stimulation provided by the Furies could awaken a Bacchic-like ecstasy: such a consideration may clarify the presence of the winged goddess in our painting, which was realized just few decades before the floruit of Vergil and Ovid.
Such a question has been frequently posed by the scholars. We can follow three different ways. It is possible that the visual image does not mirror any ritual at all: this is, for example, the idea of Turcan. Others accept that certain themes in the fresco may reflect ritual performances, with the exception of the whipping.
The third possibility is that the client asked the artist to represent something actually performed in Dionysiac rituals which literary sources do not mention This idea can be justified if we consider that we have a very superficial knowledge of the rituals of the ancients. No doubt, the choice of one of these positions implies a particular interpretation of the status of the image under consideration in the domestic Pompeian context: it is a matter of iconology This scholar believes that in Rome traditional religion was partly built up precisely by means of pictures: in this sense, art itself was religion.
Should we follow this interpretation, we would be inclined to look at the whipping scene as a symbolic representation and nothing more. What did it refer to? As I have suggested above, the winged figured may well have represented the idea of the awakening of a Bacchic ecstasy. On the other hand, should we entirely rule out the possibility that the work of art under examination was to some extent mimetic and mirrored an act actually performed?
Also Seaford , As underlined by R. Robert also focuses on the problem of the iconographical associations in domestic spaces Further interesting points are put forward by Jaccottet. She observes that the difference between what we consider a mythological scene and a realistic expression of ritual objects and acts is a modern schematization which the ancients may well have bypassed or not perceived at all Recently I have also devoted a few works to In the following lines I intend to further justify this perspective.
First of all, however, I would like to point out that I am not referring to the whole Dionysiac iconography, a long-lasting phenomenon, characterized by a great variability in space and time. I only refer to the Roman domestic iconography of the late Republic, which is the cultural environment of the iconography under scrutiny.
I do not see enough reasons to rule out the possibility that these pictures had some relationship with a very common phenomenon in the Roman world, from the late Republic onwards, that is the Dionysiac associations 89 , private organizations open to men and women that practised Dionysiac rituals with variations on the basis of the different interests of each group.
The point is that themes such as likna and cistae mysticae did exist in the rituals practised by the associations and that sacrifices, initiations and children were involved therein, as we learn from the epigraphic corpus As demonstrated by Turcan and Jaccottet 91 , these associations shared elements of the mystic Dionysism elaborated in Hellenistic Alexandria, where Dionysiac themes mingle with Eleusinian issues and the Orphic doctrine. As such, I believe it is reasonable to connect the works of art under scrutiny to the rites practised by Dionysiac associations.
Nevertheless I do not find elements enough to exclude a certain connection between them and rituals which were so common in the same geographical and chronological context. No doubt, it is hardly possible to identify with certainty a specific Dionysiac ritual which this repertoire might refer to: should we think of a rite practised by an association?
Of course, we may also deal with a sort of pastiche of ritual acts practised in different ceremonies. Elsewhere, I suggest that a specific exclusively female ritual — implying female initiations into marriage in a Dionysiac form, echoed, as we have seen, by the Dionysiac hierogamy — might be evoked at least in the room of the megalography Here, however, I do not intend to deal with this problem.
I just want to investigate a possible ritual act — more precisely, a whipping ritual — which may have been performed in more Dionysiac rituals, no matter if within a particular association involving both men and women , or during an exclusively female rite centred on a Dionysiac hierogamy.
In the following paragraph I will point out within the ancient sources — both literary and iconographic — further possible allusions to an actual stimulating whipping in Dionysiac rituals The spinning top as an image of Dionysiac ecstasy 95 S. See also Diog. I, 80 and Callimach. The spinning top is an object which children make whirl by means of a whip.
I have here, by Jupiter these beautiful wings from Corcyra! Oh my God! And with these I will make you turn! Poor me! The wide chronological range of these sources suggest that such an association was quite common in the Greek world. It seems that we are dealing with a paradox without a solution, and this suggests that we are facing a conception which is no longer understood. VII, As we have already seen following De Cazanove, the same word — such as the Latin stimulus — was also used in order to indicate cattle goads and the weapon that mythical infernal Furies used in order to drive people mad and provoke a Dionysiac-like madness.
Magdalena von Duhn provide us with an excellent comment on die Gleichniss After all, we have already seen that dance was an important element of Dionysiac rituals: that these dances implied movements promoting ecstatic feelings does not come as a surprise.
Moreover, if Dionysiac acolytes moved like spinning tops, the passages quoted above demonstrate that in the ancient everyday life spinning tops could not whirl without the strokes of a whip. Therefore, whipping may well have been symbolically performed or at least evoked in the actual rituals in order to recall rather than produce a dance preliminary to the Dionysiac possession, which combined an about-the-axis rotation and a chaotic trajectory.
Nevertheless, that dances evoking the spinning top movement did exist in the Greek and Roman world is confirmed both by literary sources and iconography. As such, it seems that we are dealing with quite ancient phenomena and conceptions. The iconography of the Maenads on Greek and Italian vases confirms the importance of this whirling movement both in the Greek and the Roman world Nevertheless, we may well presume that a Fury with her stimulus was the most effective means of representing the clinical cause of a Dionysiac possession.
Indeed, it must have been difficult for the artists to depict the beginning of a whirling dance and the divine inspiration which caused it. It is worth recalling that in the fresco, after the group of the kneeling girl flanking the winged figure, a Maenad stands out and looks as if she were whirling on the spot. Erotic implications of the spinning top As I have already recalled above, quoting De Cazanove and Varro and Martianus Capella.
It is worth recalling also an Ovidian passage Ov. Therefore, the Dionysiac mania was conceived as very similar to the mania provoked by Eros It could be observed that in the fresco we do not deal with a frantic form of love, a destructive and infertile erotic mania, but with a socially codified form of love, namely a wedding.
As a matter of fact, the love produced by such a stimulus in certain situations could have institutional implications, since we learn from the already recalled passage by Martianus Capella that Stimula, the goddess of the stimulus, was a patroness of wedding This is a very late piece of information, but significantly consistent with the fact that an important Greek female ritual of hierogamy had a recognisable Dionysiac form.
It was the ceremony performed during the Anthesteria in Athens, when Dionysus met the wife of Archon Basileus in the Boukoleion Schneider-Herrmann , and figs. Trendall, Schneider-Herrmann r The vase displays a couple of women: the one on the right is playing with a ball, whereas that on the left sits and looks at a winged Eros who makes a spinning top whirl by means of a whip.
We are allegedly dealing with a female initiation into love, and presumably into a wedding: the spinning top, commonly related to the world of childhood , somewhat represents the passage to adulthood through love and marriage Nevertheless, h The whorl, transfixed on the end of the spindle, gives us what is practically the identical form of the whip-top As the spinning tops, spindles also appear on vase paintings: they probably allude to the domestic virtues of married women.
Furthermore, they were also associated with hetaerae, in order to evoke scenes of seduction As the spinning tops, the spindles had therefore erotic and nuptial implications. Should we deny the connection of the character with the kneeling girl on his left — and connect it with the woman unveiling the liknon — the whipping theme is still present.
This practice was aimed at awakening a Dionysiac enthousiasmos, a theme perfectly consistent with the atmosphere of the fresco, and which strictly recalls the dancing Maenad on the right wall. In particular, the whipping was performed in order to prompt the acolyte to a whirling dance step.
Its infernal shape evokes the Furies of Iuno, who commonly bear stimuli to produce a Dionysiac mania. Therefore, the proposed hypothesis is also consistent with the possible nuptial value of the whipping in our fresco , without implying a reference to the rite of the Lupercalia and the myth of Bona Dea whipped by Faunus. Both the Dionysiac and the erotic themes are summarised by the spinning top.
As such, I believe this object represented a particularly effective kind of choreography in the rituals and an incredibly powerful symbol. Torna su Bibliografia Amiri B. Beaumont L. Bendinelli G. Bendinelli, «Ultime considerazioni intorno alla villa pompeiana detta dei misteri», Latomus 27 , Bettini M. Bettini, Antropologia e cultura romana, Roma Bieber M. Brendel O. Brendel ed. Interpretations of Classical Art, Washington D. Casadio G. Casadio, «Adversaria orphica et orientalia», Studi e materiali di storia delle religioni 52 , Casadio, Storia del culto di Dioniso in Argolide, Roma Gallo ed.
Casadio, Johnston G. Casadio, P. Johnston eds. Comparetti D. Comparetti, Le nozze di Bacco e Arianna, Firenze Crome J. Crome, «Spinnende Hetairen? Dasen, U. De Cazanove O. De Petra G. De Petra, «Villa romana presso Pompei», Notizie degli scavi 7 , Elsner J. Elsner, Art and the Roman Viewer. Estienne, Jaillard, Lubtchansky, Pouzadoux S. Estienne, D. Jaillard, N. Lubtchansky, Cl. Pouzadoux eds. Etienne R.
Faraone C. Gallo A. Gasparri C. Gasparri, s. Gazda E. Gazda ed. Grieco G. Guarducci M. Harcourt-Smith C. Hearnshaw V. A Re-reading», Mediterranean Archaeology: Australian and New Zealand journal for the archaeology of the Mediterranean world 12 , They hired a different engine maker to create a better diesel engine. The result was the 6. This engine is not bigger than the size of a Volkswagen bug, which means it's not the most powerful.
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